励志英语演讲稿五分钟（精选10篇）
第一条：每个人对年轻都有自己的理解，年轻是一段美丽和奇迹的时期，只有在你经历了灵魂的酸甜苦辣之后，你才能真正成为一个有意义的人。年轻的时间是有限的，它可能在你的注意之下流逝，当你发现发生了什么时，总是为时已晚。抓住年轻意味着更好的时光在不久的将来等待着你，或者情况可能相反。
纵观人类历史上的这些伟人，他们都充分利用了自己的青春，做了一些对社会、对全人类有益的事情，因此，他们被后人铭记
所以，在年轻的时候做点什么吧，尽管你可能不会像这些伟人那样取得成就，尽管不是为了全世界，只是为了你自己，为了周围的人！
年轻人就像盛开的花朵，他们盛开时是如此美丽，他们让人感到快乐，但随着时间的推移，他们枯萎后，人们认为他们是丑陋的。年轻也是如此，我们年轻时充满热情，那么我们可能会随着年龄的增长而失去激情。不要让有限的时间流逝，留下任何有意义的东西。
第二部分：有人说“我们正在读一本书的第一章的第一节，这本书的页数是无限的”。我不知道这些话是谁写的，但我一直喜欢用它们来提醒自己，未来可以是我们想要的任何样子。我们都处在农民的位置上。如果我们种下好种子，我们会有好收成。如果我们什么也不种，我们什么也不会收获。
我们还年轻。“青春怎么度过？”这是一个有意义的问题。要回答这个问题，首先我要问“你对青春这个词的理解是什么？”青春不是人生的一段时间，而是一种精神状态。这不是玫瑰色的脸颊、红色的嘴唇或柔软的膝盖的问题。这是遗嘱的问题。这是生命深泉的清新。
一位诗人说：“从一粒沙子看到一个世界，从一朵野花看到一个天堂，把握在你手心里的就是无限，永恒也就消融于一个时辰。”。几天前，我有机会听了一个讲座。我在那里学到了很多东西。我想和大家分享一下。让我们伸出右手。我们可以看到三条线显示我们的爱情、事业和生活是怎样的。我的生命很短暂。你的呢？我想知道我们是否可以这样看待我们的未来。好吧，让我们握紧拳头。我们的未来在哪里？我们的爱情，事业，生活在哪里？告诉我。是的，它在我们手中。它在我们自己心中。
我们都希望未来比过去更好。但是未来会变得更好。不要因为结束而哭泣，微笑吧，为你的曾经拥有。从过去，我们知道生活是艰难的，但我们更坚强。我们已经知道，我们不能选择我们的感受，但我们可以选择如何去感受。失败并不意味着你没有，而是意味着你应该换一种方式去做。失败并不意味着你应该放弃，而是意味着你必须更加努力。
正如我在开头所说，“我们正在读一本书第一章的第一节，这本书的页数是无限的”。过去已经过去了。我们做什么都改变不了。但是未来就在眼前。相信我们给世界什么，世界也会给我们什么。从今天开始，让我们成为自己的主人，大声说出“我们是世界，我们是未来。”
第三部分：学生青春励志英语演讲，死亡飞翔我们的公务生活是一场梦，从着陆的那一刻起，我们就是即将到来的梦！同样，我们在离开这个世界的时候，也会带着自己的梦想离开。在梦的召唤下，我们逐渐长大，思想逐渐成熟，学得越来越多，懂得越来越多。
我们的梦想也越来越充实，越来越丰富。一个人不能忘记那本书的书名《白天穿山越海》；没有忘记那一段苦乐共存的'岁月；别忘了，多一点认真，多一点尊敬的导师的教导......
面对过去，我们打开自己的思想和心灵之门，沐浴在阳光中接受和倾听规劝的时候，我们放飞梦想。是实现长远愿景的基石；梦想是积蓄力量的开始；梦的世界是理性的必要条件；梦想齐家国家的前提是世界是平的。
为此，尊重伦理，教育可以明确负责，爱。我们将随时准备好......
公鸡的啼鸣冲破了黎明的寂静，唤醒了青春的梦想，老灯那盏不灭的明灯，借助一个柔弱的好打理的轻重的行囊，踏上了新的征程开始了。东方初升的太阳，留下一串串依恋故土的足迹，是情怀和放弃。再见，亲爱的土地，我们有我们的梦想，我们都需要面对新的。
命运的舵已经掌握在自己手中，走着自己的路线。相信自己，你努力了，天黑后一定是晴朗的。做时间的主人，为了每一秒，当船艰难起航，你准备好了吗？展现你的风采，创造辉煌的明天。说天空没有留下鸟儿的痕迹，但我已经过去了。是一只鹰，就要飞过天空，是一棵树，就要铸造一个时代，去飞翔的勇气，去投入的勇气，放飞你的梦想，相信你的明天会更辉煌，你的明天会更精彩。
珍惜现在，应该把握机会。
朋友们，放飞现在的梦想，让我们相聚在那一天的荣耀里。
Distinguished judges, teachers, dear friends:
Hello, everyone! My name is cheng xiang yan , I am a junior student come from life science institution .Today, I am very glad to stand here and share with you my most sincere speech‘Flying youth, master our future!’
Life is a process of growing up. Saying goodbye to childhood, we step into another important time of life in the pace of young, facing new situations, dealing with different problems.....
However, who can really say what the youth is ? A period of time? A belief?An attitude to life? Or anything else? actually, everyone has his ownunderstanding of young, it is a period of time of beauty and wonders, only after you have experienced the sour , sweet ,bitter and salty, can you really become a person of significance.
Just like A famous poet said ‘ youth is a lovely song ,where nothing is impossible ,youth is a meaningful book, you’ll be never bored of it ;youth is a rapid river ,it keeps on flowing day and night ;youth is a cup of tea ,it shows you different kinds of tastes in your life.
As youth is so precious, of course, we must treasure it .Don’t let the limited time pass by, grasping the young will means a better time is waiting for you in the near future.
So,It’s necessary for us to prepare ourselves well for the future to come. having a view on those great men in the history of hunman being, they all made full use of their youth time to do things that are useful to society, to the whole mankind, and as a consequence ,they are remembered by later generations, admired by everyone. so do something in the time of young, although you may not get achievements as these greatmen did ,though not for the whole world, just for youeself, for those around! So, what should we do when we are young? Here,I’ll point out some tips to help equip ourselves.
First of all,think of what you’d like to be some day. A teacher ? A doctor ? A writer? Don’t afraid of dreaming of big and great .Since you are young , you can dream of doing anything and becoming anyone in the future. What’s more , never ignore the power of knowledge. Read more books and travel around. For one thing, it can increase your knowledge, for another, it’ll broaden your horizon.
Last but not the least , stick to your dream. It easier said than done. After all, future is not all roses. young is just like blooming flowers, they are so beautiful when blooming, which make people feel happy, but with time passing by, after they withers ,most people think they are ugly. and so it is the same with young, we are enthusiastic when we are young, then we may lose our passion when getting older and older. So we should have enough courage and determination to overcome all the difficulties in struggling on the road.
I firmly believe one sentence that‘If you think you can, of course you can!’Just believe we can make it! Keep on walking towards our dream. Flying youth , master our future. From today, from now on , are you Ready ? That’s all. Thank you so much for your attention !
a little kid fell in love with another little kid， a school mate。 sometimesthe kids think they fall in love when they have a crush on someone else in theclass， when they?re eight or ten years old or something like that。 so theeight-year-oldkid came back home and asked his father， “father， is it expensiveto be married?” and the father said， “yes， son， it is very expensive。” so theson asked， “how much does it cost?” and the father said， “i don?t know， son。 i?mstill paying。”
有个小孩爱上了另一个小孩，对方是学校的同学。八岁或十岁左右的孩子有时会迷恋班上某个人，然后就以为自我恋爱了。因此这个八岁的小孩回家问他爸爸:「爸爸，结婚很花钱吗?」爸爸说:「是啊，儿子，十分花钱。」儿子又问:「要花多少钱呢?」爸爸说:「我不明白，儿子，我到此刻还一向在付钱啊!」
Someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of abook, whose pages are infinite”. I don’t know who wrote these words, but I’vealways liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it tobe. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reapa good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.
We are young. “How to spend the youth?” It is a meaningful question. Toanswer it, first I have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” Youthis not a time of life, it’s a state of mind. It’s not a matter of rosy cheeks,red lips or supple knees. It’s the matter of the will. It’s the freshness of thedeep spring of life.
A poet said “To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wildflower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. Severaldays ago, I had a chance to listen to a lecture. I learnt a lot there. I’d liketo share it with all of you. Let’s show our right palms. We can see three
lines that show how our love.career and life is. I have a short line oflife. What about yours? I wondered whether we could see our future in this way.Well, let’s make a fist. Where is our future? Where is our love, career, andlife? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves.
We all want the future to be better than the past. But the future can gobetter itself. Don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From thepast, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. We’ve learnt thatwe can’t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. Failure doesn’tmean you don’t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way.Failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.
As what I said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of thefirst chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. The past has gone. Nothingwe do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what wegive to the world, the world will give to us. And from today on, let’s be theowners of ourselves, and speak out “We are the world, we are the future.”
有人说“我们正在阅读一本书第一章的第一节，它的页数是无限的”。我不知道这些词是谁写的，但我一直喜欢这些词，以提醒人们未来可以是我们想要的任何东西。我们都处于农民的地位。如果我们种下一颗好种子，我们会收获一个好收成。如果我们什么都不种，我们什么都不收获。
我们很年轻。“如何度过青春?“这是一个有意义的问题。要回答这个问题，首先我必须问“你对青年这个词有什么理解?“青春不是人生的时光，而是一种心态。这不是脸颊红润、嘴唇红润或膝盖柔软的问题。这是意志的问题。这是生命深处春天的新鲜。
一位诗人说:“在一粒沙子里看到一个世界，在一朵野花里看到一个天堂，把握在你手中的是无限，永恒在一个小时内。几天前，我有机会听了一次讲座。我在那里学到了很多。我想和大家分享一下。让我们展示我们的右手掌。我们可以看到三个显示我们的爱情、事业和生活的线条。我的寿命很短。
你的呢?我想知道我们是否可以这样看待我们的未来。好吧，让我们打一拳。我们的未来在哪里?我们的爱情、事业和生活在哪里?告诉我。是的，它在我们手中。这是我们自己的事情。我们都希望未来比过去更美好。但是未来会更好。
不要因为结束而哭泣，微笑吧，因为已经发生了。从过去，我们了解到生活是艰难的，但是我们更艰难。我们已经了解到我们不能选择自己的感受，但是我们可以选择如何去感受。失败并不意味着你没有它，而是意味着你应该以不同的方式去做。失败并不意味着你应该放弃，而是意味着你必须更加努力。
正如我在开头所说，“我们正在阅读一本书第一章的第一节，它的页数是无限的”。过去已经过去了。我们所做的一切都不会改变它。但是未来就在我们面前。相信我们给世界的东西，世界会给我们的。从今天起，让我们成为自己的主人，大声说“我们是世界，我们是未来”。
When I was in middle school, I moved to the city to live with my parents, Imiss my hometown all the time, I can’t forget about the beautiful mountain andthe clear water. So in this summer vacation, I went back to my hometown, when Isaw the familiar country road, I was so happy, I knew I was close to the nature.I took in the fresh air, I smelt the straw’s flavor, I took a look at themountains and the clear water again. All of these made me relaxed, the naturewas right in front of me. I hope the scenery won’t change all the time, once Ihave time, I will come back to enjoy it.
I have a few candles stored in a drawer in my dining room.They’re meantfor romantic dinners and special occasions, but since the arrival of our threechildren they have lain unnoticed among the napkins and other things.They arewaiting to be taken out and lit to share their glow with anyone who will takethe time to bask in their brilliance.
Are not our souls like those candles, patiently waiting for someone to comeand let us be ourselves? We are all waiting for our own moments to shine; weeach have a special light, unmatched by any other.
Candles are made up of wax and a wick; we have bodies, but our essence liesin our minds and souls.Candles are unique in their colors, shapes and designs.Our life histories and experiences are the backdrops of who we are, but ourminds are like candle wicks, and make our passions flame.Unlike the candles inmy drawer, who get used or not used depending on my whims, we control our ownthoughts, and how brightly we will burn or dimly we will shine.
Is your soul candle dimmed by circumstance or lack of passion anddirection? Is it hidden in a drawer of stress, worry or resentment? Make achoice to let yourself shine the way you were meant to shine.
《Winston Churchill"s Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, （the Iron Curtain Speech）， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name Westminster somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace. So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. In my father"s house are many mansions. Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have faith in each other"s purpose, hope in each other"s future and charity towards each other"s shortcomings -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other"s working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a b admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the b parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito"s claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a b France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very b impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, The Sinews of Peace.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one"s land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
I have a few candles stored in a drawer in my dining room. They’re meantfor romantic dinners and special occasions, but since the arrival of our threechildren they have lain unnoticed among the napkins and other things. They arewaiting to be taken out and lit to share their glow with anyone who will takethe time to bask in their brilliance.
Are not our souls like those candles, patiently waiting for someone to comeand let us be ourselves? We are all waiting for our own moments to shine; weeach have a special light, unmatched by any other.
Candles are made up of wax and a wick; we have bodies, but our essence liesin our minds and souls. Candles are unique in their colors, shapes and designs.Our life histories and experiences are the backdrops of who we are, but ourminds are like candle wicks, and make our passions flame. Unlike the candles inmy drawer, who get used or not used depending on my whims, we control our ownthoughts, and how brightly we will burn or dimly we will shine.
Is your soul candle dimmed by circumstance or lack of passion anddirection? Is it hidden in a drawer of stress, worry or resentment? Make achoice to let yourself shine the way you were meant to shine.
在我家的餐桌抽屉里，藏着几根蜡烛。它们曾用于浪漫的晚餐和特殊场合，但随着我三个孩子的诞生，它们被遗忘在餐巾纸和其他杂物中。如今，这些蜡烛默默地等待着被取出来，被点燃，与那些愿意花时间感受它们温暖的人分享光亮。它们渴望着有机会再次发出温暖的光芒。
我们的灵魂就像蜡烛一样，渴望着被人们发现，希望能够散发出光芒。我们默默地等待着那个发光的时刻；我们每个人都拥有自己独特的闪耀之处，无人能及。
蜡烛是由燃烧的蜡和蜡芯结合而成的。人类有肉体存在，但我们的.本质却存于精神和灵魂之中。每支蜡烛都有其独特的颜色、形状和图案。我们人生的历史和经验构成了我们的背景，然而只有我们内心的火焰才能让热情燃烧起来。不同于那些等待他人点燃的蜡烛，在我们自己的思想中，我们可以决定自己是发光还是黯淡无光。
你内心的那束蜡烛是否因为周遭环境或者缺乏激情而失去了光芒？它是否被隐藏在压力、担忧和怨恨的角落里？做出抉择，以自己独特的方式重新点亮它吧。
Youth has been praised by many people. They believe that it is the mostprecious time of one's lifetime, because youth stands for young age and energy.So we should cherish youth and do whatever we like. In my opinion, when we areyoung, the first thing we need to do is to fight for our future. So we spend alot of time studying and gain much knowledge. The store of knowledge helps ussolve all kinds of problems. When we have enough ability, we are no longerafraid of meeting difficulties. The second thing we need to do is to broaden ourvision. As we are young and full of energy, it is the best time to see morescenery. Don't wait for retirement to explore the world. What we see will makeus mature and stronger. Let's enjoy the beautiful youth.
青春一直都受到许多人的称赞，他们认为青春是一个人一生中最宝贵的时间，因为青春代表着年轻和活力。所以我们应该珍惜青春，做我们想做的事情。在我看来，年轻时候需要做的第一件事就是为我们的未来而努力。所以我们花了很多时间去学习、获得更多的知识。知识的储备可以帮助我们解决各种各样的问题。当我们能力足够强大的时候，就不再害怕困难了。我们需要做的第二件事就是扩大视野。因为我们年轻，充满活力，所以此时是的时间去看更多的风景，不要等到退休后才去探索世界。我们的所见所闻会让我们变得成熟和强大。让我们享受美好的青春吧。
hello everyone!it is my great pleasure to share my dream with youtoday.
my dream is to become a teacher.
you know being a teacher is a thing that is very valuable and veryinteresting.i suggest that it must be a great fun to be with children all the ifi am a teacher，i can teach my students a lot of might become stronger andcleverer because of is a very contented feeling.
china is a developing ese are not that excellent in their teachers in chinamight be very very can provide the society with a lot of successful people，andmake china a better place.
do you think that i have a good dream?i will work hard to make my dreambecome true!
thanks~
这是我很高兴能够分享我的梦想与你今天.
我的梦想是成为一名教师.
你知道作为一个教师，是一个东西，这是非常宝贵的，非常有趣.我认为它必须是一个伟大的乐趣与子女所有.如果我是一名教师，我可以教我的学生很多知识.他们可能会成为强大和聪明，因为我了.这是一个非常知足的感觉.
中国是一个发展中国家.中国人是不是优秀，在他们的智能.所以老师在中国可能非常非常重要的.他们可以提供社会了不少成功的人，使中国成为更美好的地方.
你认为我有一个很好的梦想，我将努力工作，使我的梦想变成真!